10 Antiochus, having heard of their designs, and thinking it proper to be first in the field, led forth an army, which he had inured to service by many wars23 with his neighbours, against the Parthians. But his preparations for luxury were not less than those for war, for three hundred thousand24 camp followers, of whom the greater number were cooks, bakers, and stage-players, attended on eighty thousand armed men. Of silver and gold, it is certain, there was such an abundance that the common soldiers fastened their buskins with gold, and trod upon the metal for the love of which nations contend with the sword. Their cooking instruments, too, were ot silver, as if they were going to a banquet, not to a field of battle. Many kings of the east met Antiochus on his march, offering him themselves and their kingdoms, and expressing the greatest detestation of Parthian pride. Nor was there any delay in coming to an engagement. Antiochus, being victorious in three battles, and having got possession of Babylon, began to be thought a great man. All the neighbouring people, in consequence, joining him, nothing was left to the Parthians but their own country. It was then that Phraates sent Demetrius into Syria, with a body of Parthians, to seize the throne, so that Antiochus might be recalled from Parthia to secure his own dominions. In the meantime, since he could not overthrow Antiochus by open force, he made attempts upon him everywhere by stratagem. On account of the number of his forces, Antiochus had distributed his army, in winter quarters, through several cities; and this dispersion was the cause of his ruin; for the cities, finding themselves harassed by having to furnish supplies, and by the depredations of the soldiers, revolted to the Parthians, and, on an appointed day, conspired to fall upon the army divided among them, so that the several divisions might not be able to assist each other. News of the attack being brought to Antiochus, he hastened with that body of troops which he had in winter-quarters with him, to succour the others that lay nearest. On his way he was met by the king of the Parthians, with whom he himself fought more bravely than his troops; but at last, as the enemy had the superiority in valour, he was deserted, through fear on the part of his men, and killed. Phraates had funeral rites performed for him as a king, and married the daughter of Demetrius, whom Antiochus had brought with him, and of whom he had become enamoured. He then began to regret having sent away Demetrius, and hastily despatched some troops of horse to fetch him back; but they found that prince, who had been in fear of pursuit, already seated on his throne, and, after doing all they could to no purpose, returned to their king.
1 He had been banished; see below.
2 The commentators are divided respecting these names. Bongarsius and Vorstius, from Appian, and Livy, Epit. lxxvii. think that the first name should be Manius Aquilius. The Juntine edition has Aquilius Manlius et Manius Attilius; Becharius and Major read Aquilius Mallius et Maltinus. But conjecture is useless; the same names are repeated, without any praenomina, in c. 4 of this book. The name Malthinus occurs in Horace.
3 See xxv. 2.
4 Vacationem.] That this is the sense of vacatio, though tributorum is not expressed, is generally agreed. For instances of similar immunity, Berneccerus refers to Tacit. Ann. ii. 56, and Liv. xlv. 18.
5 Justin has given two examples of direct speeches, xiv 4; xviii. 7.Wetzel.
6 Wetzel has pro jure imperii in his text, but seems to prefer, in his note on the passage, J. F. Gronovius’s reading, pro vice imperii, which is found in some MSS.
7 By the Samnites; Liv. ix. 5; Vell. Pat. i. 14.
8 All the editions have adoptione testamenti, et regum domesticorum interitu. Scheffer asks, “What is adoptione testamenti? Perhaps,” he adds, “adoption made per testamentum. But no one has explained this form of adoption; and if it were explained, whence does it appear that any adoption was made in this case per testamentum?” He concludes by proposing to read adoptione, testamento, &c.
9 This Christos is nowhere else mentioned.
10 See xxxvi. 4.
11 Divitiarumque avidos ac jejunos.] A confusion of man and wolf.
12 Earum se gentium esse.] Faber observes that regem is wanting in the text, and must be supplied.
13 That is, all Greater Asia; all the eastern part of Asia.
14 Bella Pontica.] See xxxvii. 3.
15 Tantumque se avida expectet Asia, &c.] Faber reads tamque se, &c., but even then, as Vorstius observes, the words do not suit the oratio obliqua, which requires avidam expectare Asiam, &c.
16 Romana bella.] Of which Justin gives no regular account. He touches on the subject, xxxvii. 1, and xxviii. 3; but what he relates of Aquilius and Maltinus in the latter passage occurred twenty-three years after Mithridates commenced the war.
17 Philometor. See xxxiv. 2.
18 Physcon. See xxxiv. 2.
19 xxxvi. 1.
20 See note on xxxvi. 1.
21 Because Phraates thought that such a tie was likely to attach Demetrius to Hyrcania.Lemaire.
22 Wetzel’s text, and, I believe, all others, have mitem clementiam, but as mitem is a useless epithet, I have followed Scheffer’s conjecture, miram clementiam.
23 See xxxvi. 1.
24 Trecenta millia.] Triginta millia, which appears in the Ven. Ald. and Col. editions, is a more probable number.Wetzel.